For the past three months, large-scale student and citizen protests have persisted across Serbia. The collapse of a railway station canopy in Novi Sad, a tragedy that claimed 15 lives, has escalated into the most severe political crisis since the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and Aleksandar Vučić came to power.
The student movement began to take shape in late November when students from the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in Belgrade initiated a blockade of their faculty. This action followed an incident in which they were assaulted during a street protest commemorating the Novi Sad victims. Soon, students from Serbia’s major universities joined the movement, expanding the blockade, which remains ongoing.
Amid widespread concerns over institutional negligence in the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station, students demanded full transparency regarding all project-related documents. They also called for accountability for those responsible for the attacks on students since November.
Public support for the movement quickly spread nationwide, with various social groups—including farmers, teachers, lawyers, and medical associations—expressing solidarity. The protests have since grown into the largest demonstrations in Serbia since the fall of Slobodan Milošević, with large gatherings taking place in Novi Sad and Belgrade on multiple occasions.
Despite attempts by authorities to pacify the protests by partially meeting student demands, these efforts have proven unsuccessful.
Over the past three months, mounting pressure from students and citizens has led to the resignations of two ministers responsible for infrastructure and construction, Tomislav Momirović and Goran Vesić. In a further political fallout, Serbian Prime Minister Miloš Vučević resigned following an attack by SNS members on a female student in Novi Sad.
However, none of these concessions have managed to defuse the protests, with many believing that the government’s response came too late.
Students are now planning a massive demonstration on Serbia’s Statehood Day, 15 February —a historically significant date marking the First Serbian Uprising in 1804 and the adoption of the country’s first constitution in 1835. In preparation, a large number of students from universities in Belgrade, Niš, and Novi Sad have embarked on a symbolic march to Kragujevac, where the gathering will take place.
Long-standing absence of political accountability
Dušan Spasojević, a Professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade, believes that Serbia has been experiencing a prolonged democratic crisis, with every major event triggering political unrest and protests.
“The reason these protests have gained such momentum is the lack of political accountability in Serbia over the past decade. The collapse of the railway station canopy was simply too great a tragedy for citizens to accept without a serious reaction,” Spasojević explains.
Jelena Vasiljević, a senior research associate at the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, shares this view, attributing the mass protests to the long-standing absence of political responsibility.
“Public frustration has been building up for years due to a series of scandals and tragedies for which no one has been held accountable. We are witnessing a complete failure of institutions, with the ruling party effectively taking over the state. These protests represent an outburst of accumulated discontent that has now exploded in the wake of this tragedy,” says Vasiljević.
Although mass protests against the government have occurred before, no movement in the past decade has managed to unite such a diverse range of social groups.
Professor Spasojević believes that one of the key reasons for the students’ success is that their demands resonate with a broad segment of the population.
“The nature of the incident made it easier than previous protest waves to link the tragedy directly to corruption and the complete lack of oversight and accountability,” he explains.
Students have stepped into a vacuum
Spasojević also points to a crisis of representation in Serbian society, where traditional mechanisms no longer function effectively.
“Opposition parties have not gained significant traction, and trade unions have lost the trust of many workers. Students have stepped into this vacuum, maintaining an open stance while focusing exclusively on clear demands without engaging in ideological or other divisive issues. This has been crucial in broadening support for the movement,” Spasojević argues.
Jelena Vasiljević agrees, noting that there is widespread distrust of political actors in Serbia, which has led many to seek out new, untainted voices.
“These students represent an entirely new generation expressing itself politically for the first time, making it easier for many citizens to identify with them. Many of them may not have even voted yet—they are still shaping their political and social identities,” she adds.
She also highlights the historically positive perception of student-led movements in Serbia, referencing the 1968 student protests and the demonstrations against Slobodan Milošević.
“Students have played a crucial role in articulating political discontent at key moments in Serbian history. Many people believe they could fulfil that role once again today,” Vasiljević concludes.